Module 45: Religions

What religions are, why humans have always had them, and a guided tour of the major traditions

Part A · what religion is — the phenomenon and its study

Defining religion — a harder problem than it seems

Every definition of religion either includes things we would rather exclude (football fandom as "religion"?) or excludes things we would rather include (is Theravada Buddhism a religion if it has no god?). Scholars distinguish substantive definitions — religion involves belief in the supernatural — from functional ones: religion does what religion does, binding communities, answering ultimate questions, and marking the sacred. Neither works cleanly. Anthropologist Clifford Geertz proposed that a religion is "a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations." That captures something real, but it would also describe Maoism. The messiness is not a flaw; it reflects the fact that "religion" is a Western category that may not carve nature at its joints. Many traditions — Shinto, Confucianism, many Indigenous practices — do not have a word for "religion" at all.

Why humans are religious — evolutionary and psychological explanations

Cognitive science of religion (CSR) asks not whether any religion is true but why religion is universal. Four mechanisms dominate the literature:

The numbers — who believes what and where (2024 estimates)

Christianity is largest by count (2.4B, 31%) but Islam is fastest-growing: demographic projections suggest Islam will roughly match Christianity by 2070 due to younger age profiles in Muslim-majority countries. The "non-religious" 1.2B is heavily concentrated in China (where many identify as non-religious yet practice ancestor veneration) and Western Europe.

Religious studies as a discipline

Religious studies emerged in the 19th century as scholars tried to study religion empirically and comparatively, without either defending or attacking any tradition. Emile Durkheim (1912) argued religion is essentially social: the "sacred" marks off what a community holds collectively important, and ritual reinforces group cohesion. Max Weber's Protestant Ethic (1905) traced a line from Calvinist theology to capitalist discipline. William James (1902) took phenomenology seriously, asking what religious experience actually feels like from the inside. These three still define the main approaches: structuralist-sociological (Durkheim), historical-comparative (Weber), and experiential-phenomenological (James). Modern scholars add cognitive science and neuroscience, giving us perhaps the best tools yet for understanding religion without either worshipping or dismissing it.

Sacred texts — how scriptures work and how they're interpreted

Most religions have texts they treat as authoritative, but "authoritative" means different things. For Muslims, the Quran is literally the word of God dictated to Muhammad — every Arabic word matters. For Jews, the Torah is also revealed, but the Talmud (rabbinic commentary developed over centuries) has equal practical authority in most denominations. For Christians, the Bible is "inspired" — but exactly how that word is interpreted separates the fundamentalist who reads Genesis literally from the liberal Protestant who treats it as theological poetry. Hinduism has no single canon at all: the Vedas, Upanishads, Bhagavad Gita, Puranas, and regional texts all claim varying degrees of authority. When someone says "the religion teaches X," always ask: which interpretation, by whom, in which tradition?

Part B · the Abrahamic religions — the largest family

Judaism — the oldest Abrahamic tradition

Judaism is the parent tradition of both Christianity and Islam — simultaneously a religion, an ethnicity, and a civilisation. About 15.7 million Jews exist worldwide (0.2% of humanity), yet Jewish thought has shaped Western law, ethics, and theology far beyond that proportion. Click a key concept:

Christianity — the world's largest religion and its diversity

With 2.4 billion adherents, Christianity is so internally varied that the label covers people who have almost nothing in common theologically. The core claim — that Jesus of Nazareth was the incarnate Son of God, died for human sin, and rose from the dead — is shared. Everything else diverges. Explore the main branches:

Islam — the fastest-growing religion

Islam's five pillars (shahada, prayer, zakat, fasting, hajj) give it a remarkably cohesive public practice for a religion with 1.9 billion adherents across 50+ majority-Muslim nations. Explore the main branches:

Abrahamic family tree and divergence points

Abrahamic Root Abraham, c.2000 BCE Judaism Torah, c.1300 BCE onward Christianity Jesus of Nazareth, c.30 CE Islam Muhammad, 610 CE Orthodoxstrict halakha Conservativeadaptive Reformliberal Catholic1.3 billion Protestant900 million Orthodox260 million Sunni85–90% Shia10–15% Sufimystical All three share: monotheism · Abraham · Jerusalem · prophetic tradition · eschatology

What the three share — and where they diverge

All three traditions trace their genealogy to Abraham and his covenant with one God; all revere Jerusalem; all are prophetic religions with scriptures that record God's communication with humanity; all anticipate some form of final judgment. The divergence is largely about Jesus and Muhammad. Jews do not accept Jesus as messiah (the messiah has not come yet) and consider Muhammad irrelevant. Christians accept Jesus as divine messiah and son of God but do not accept Muhammad's prophethood. Muslims honour Jesus as a great prophet but reject his divinity — the Quran explicitly states God has no son — and consider Muhammad the final and greatest prophet. The irony is that the closer two traditions are theologically, the sharper their historical conflict: Jewish-Christian relations were far more violent across history than, say, Christian-Buddhist ones.

Part C · Dharmic religions — traditions from South Asia

Hinduism — the world's oldest living religion

Hinduism is the world's third-largest religion (1.2 billion) and the hardest to define, because it has no single founder, no central authority, no single scripture, and no agreed-upon creed. Scholar Wendy Doniger calls it "the religion that has no name" — the term "Hindu" was coined by Persian and later British outsiders. What most Hindu traditions share: Brahman (the ultimate impersonal reality underlying all existence), Atman (the individual soul identical with Brahman), Maya (the veil of illusion that makes us perceive a world of distinct objects), Karma (the ethical law of cause and effect across lives), and Dharma (right conduct appropriate to one's role and stage of life). The caste system (varna) is embedded in classical Hindu texts, but it has been challenged from within — by the Bhakti movements, by Ambedkar's Dalit Buddhism, and by the Indian constitution.

Buddhism — the path out of suffering

Buddhism's founding insight — that suffering (dukkha) arises from craving, and craving from the mistaken belief in a permanent self — is one of the most radical claims in religious history. The Buddha (Siddhartha Gautama, c.563–483 BCE) did not claim divine authority but argued that his teaching could be tested through practice. Explore the main schools:

The spectrum of Buddhist meditation practices

Drag to explore different meditative orientations, from concentration-based calm (samatha) to insight-based inquiry (vipassana):

Pure calm (samatha)Pure insight (vipassana)

Jainism — ahimsa and the most rigorous non-violence

With around 4–6 million adherents (almost all in India), Jainism is tiny by count but immense in influence — Gandhi's doctrine of non-violence drew directly on Jain thought. The core commitment is ahimsa: non-harm to any living being, including insects, which is why monks of the Digambara sect sweep the ground before walking. Karma in Jainism is not metaphorical but literal: physical particles that stick to the soul through bad actions, weighing it down. Liberation (moksha) comes through shedding all karma, which requires extreme asceticism. The Digambara ("sky-clad") and Shvetambara ("white-clad") sects differ on whether monks must be naked to truly renounce the world. Jainism has no creator god; the universe is eternal and self-sustaining.

Sikhism — the youngest major world religion

Founded by Guru Nanak (1469–1539) in the Punjab, Sikhism emerged partly in dialogue with both Hinduism and Islam but developed a distinct theology: one formless God (expressed in "Ik Onkar" — One God), the equality of all humans, and service (seva) as a core spiritual practice. The langar — a free community kitchen attached to every Sikh temple — feeds millions daily with no religious qualification required; it is among the world's largest voluntary feeding operations. The Khalsa (the community of initiated Sikhs, founded 1699) is marked by the Five Ks: kesh (uncut hair), kanga (wooden comb), kara (steel bracelet), kachera (cotton undergarment), kirpan (ceremonial steel sword). There are roughly 25–30 million Sikhs worldwide, two-thirds in the Punjab region of India.

Part D · East Asian traditions — Taoism, Confucianism, Shinto

Three distinct systems — quick comparison

East Asian traditions differ fundamentally from Abrahamic and Dharmic ones: they are often less about belief in the supernatural and more about right relationship — with nature (Taoism), with society (Confucianism), or with the ancestral and spiritual forces of the land (Shinto). People commonly practice multiple traditions simultaneously — a Japanese person may have a Shinto wedding and a Buddhist funeral.

Taoism
~20M formal adherents, ~400M cultural influence
Confucianism
Shapes ~1.5B in East/SE Asia
Shinto
~3–4M devout, ~120M cultural in Japan

Formal adherent counts for East Asian traditions are nearly meaningless — cultural practice far exceeds explicit identification. 70% of Japanese report no religion by survey, yet 90% participate in Shinto rituals.

The three East Asian systems — key concepts

Three traditions on a spectrum: how much does the individual matter?

Society / cosmos primaryIndividual primary
Confucianism
Shinto
Taoism
Buddhism
Protestantism

Confucianism places the self firmly within a web of obligations (five relationships: ruler-subject, parent-child, husband-wife, elder-younger, friend-friend). Protestant Christianity is probably the most individualistic major religion: Luther's sola fide (faith alone) and the "priesthood of all believers" placed personal conviction at the centre of salvation.

Part E · indigenous, ancient, and new religious movements

Indigenous spiritual traditions — animism, shamanism, and the sacred land

Roughly 300 million people worldwide practice Indigenous spiritual traditions, though the category is so diverse that "tradition" is almost misleading. Animism — the belief that animals, plants, rivers, mountains, and other entities have spiritual agency — is probably humanity's oldest religious form; archaeological evidence (grave goods, cave paintings with animal-human hybrids) suggests it goes back at least 100,000 years. Shamanism is the specialist role of mediating between the human community and the spirit world, found across Siberia, the Americas, Central Asia, and many other regions with no historical connection. Common features: oral transmission (no scripture), sacred geography (specific places are spiritually charged), reciprocity with non-human persons, and seasonal ritual cycles. These traditions are not primitive precursors to "real" religion — many are philosophically sophisticated responses to the question of how humans should relate to the living world they depend on.

Ancient polytheisms — approximate periods of cultural dominance

Greek and Roman religion was not primarily about belief — no creed was required. Participation in civic ritual was compulsory, but private theology was free. The mystery religions (Eleusinian mysteries, Mithraism, Orphism) offered personal transformation experiences closer to what modern people expect from religion. They declined for complex reasons: imperial Christianity's coercive power from 380 CE (Theodosius I made Nicene Christianity the Roman state religion), the appeal of universal monotheism over local pantheons, and intellectual critiques from philosophers who had long been sceptical of the Olympians.

New religious movements — from Mormonism to Scientology

A "new religious movement" (NRM) is typically defined as a religious group founded after 1800 and operating outside the mainstream of established traditions. The term is preferred over "cult" by scholars because "cult" has become a pejorative with no agreed definition. Click to explore major NRMs:

Atheism, agnosticism, and secular humanism

Atheism (no god) and agnosticism (unknowable whether there is a god) are often conflated but conceptually distinct: agnosticism is an epistemic claim about knowledge, atheism is a metaphysical claim about existence. You can be an agnostic atheist (no belief in god, and the question is not answerable) or an agnostic theist (belief in god, but acknowledged as unprovable). "New Atheism" — associated with Dawkins, Hitchens, Harris, and Dennett from roughly 2004 — argued religion is not just mistaken but actively harmful and deserves no special social deference. Secular humanism is the positive programme: basing ethics on human flourishing and reason without any supernatural grounding. About 1.2 billion people self-identify as non-religious (2024), but surveys consistently find that a large portion of "nones" still hold supernatural beliefs — in fate, spiritual forces, or life after death — making them "believing without belonging" rather than committed materialists.

Calculator: Secularisation index — how does your country score?

Enter approximate statistics for a country or region and get a rough "secularisation score" based on Norris and Inglehart's indicators.

% who say religion is "important in daily life"
% who attend weekly religious services
% who say they have no religion
Human Development Index (0–1)
Fill in the fields above and press Calculate.
Part F · religion in the modern world

Secularisation — is religion declining?

The secularisation thesis — formulated by sociologists like Bryan Wilson and Peter Berger in the 1960s — predicted that as societies modernise and science explains more, religion would wither. The data since then has forced major revisions. Western Europe did secularise dramatically: the UK went from 72% Christian (1983) to 46% (2018) in one generation, and in Sweden fewer than 5% attend weekly services. But globally, religion is growing: sub-Saharan Africa is on track to have the world's largest Christian population by 2050; Pentecostalism grew from 1 million adherents in 1906 to over 700 million today. Berger himself reversed his position in the 1990s, concluding that the U.S. — extremely religious despite being highly modern — showed secularisation was not inevitable. The better question may not be "is religion declining?" but "what kinds of religion flourish under which conditions?"

Religion and politics — theocracy, nationalism, and the secular state

The relationship between religious authority and political power has been one of history's great recurring tensions. Explore contemporary configurations:

Religious violence — a complex relationship

The claim that religion is the primary cause of human conflict is historically dubious — most large-scale violence (World War I, II, the Mongol conquests, the Thirty Years' War at its core) was primarily political, dynastic, or nationalist, with religious framing added for legitimacy. William Cavanaugh's The Myth of Religious Violence (2009) argues the very category of "religious violence" is ideological: it exempts secular nationalism (the 20th century's primary killing ideology) from scrutiny while pathologising non-Western traditions. That said, religion clearly can amplify violence: it provides transcendent motivation, dehumanises the other (heretic, infidel), and promises reward to those who die fighting. The same mechanisms that make religion a powerful force for social cohesion — strong in-group identity, sacred authority, willingness to sacrifice — can be redirected toward violence when a leadership chooses that path.

Religion–science relationship models

Religion Science ConflictDraper, Huxley Religion Science Independence (NOMA)Gould: separate magisteria Religion Science Dialogue / IntegrationPolkinghorne, Barbour overlap

Religion and science — conflict, independence, or dialogue?

The "conflict thesis" — that religion and science are inherently at war — was popularised by Draper (1874) and White (1896), but historians of science now consider it largely a myth created for 19th-century polemical purposes. The Galileo affair was not primarily about science vs. religion: Galileo was condemned partly because he insulted Pope Urban VIII (a former friend) and because his heliocentrism contradicted the reigning Aristotelian physics, not only Genesis. Isaac Newton, Gregor Mendel (genetics), Georges Lemaitre (Big Bang), and Francisco Varela (cognitive science) were all devout religious believers. Stephen Jay Gould's "Non-Overlapping Magisteria" (NOMA) proposed that science covers fact and theory while religion covers meaning and value — but this fails because most religions do make factual claims (the resurrection, the creation). The most philosophically sophisticated position is probably ongoing dialogue: both religion and science are attempts to understand reality, and both have something to learn from their disagreements.

The future of religion: where do you place yourself on the spectrum?

Religion will fade with modernityReligion will persist and adapt

The future of religion — AI, biotechnology, and meaning

Yuval Harari's "Dataism" thesis suggests that as we delegate more decision-making to algorithms and as neuroscience explains our inner experience, the human soul — the theological concept that grounds most religious ethics — becomes harder to sustain. If there is no free will (a live scientific claim), no permanent self (also defensible), and no dualism of matter and spirit (neuroscience's working assumption), what happens to religious meaning? At the same time, AI and biotech create precisely the questions religion has always addressed. Who counts as a person? What should we do with the power to modify our own consciousness, lifespan, and genome? What do we owe beings we create? These are not scientific questions — they require ethical frameworks, and the major religious traditions have 2,500 or more years of thought about analogous questions. The most likely outcome is not religion's disappearance but its transformation: away from institutional authority and doctrinal uniformity, toward personal meaning-making and ethical community, perhaps increasingly in dialogue with technological change.

Part G · Q&A

Is Buddhism a religion if it has no god?

Theravada Buddhism is explicitly non-theistic: the Buddha never claimed to be a god or to have created the world, and the core teaching — that suffering arises from craving and can be ended through the Eightfold Path — requires no supernatural being. Yet Buddhism has monks, rituals, sacred texts, temples, pilgrimage sites, and answers ultimate questions about life and death. Under substantive definitions (requires God or supernatural) it barely qualifies; under functional definitions (binds community, addresses ultimate meaning) it qualifies easily. Most scholars today accept Buddhism as a religion, which is a good reason to prefer functional or polythetic definitions — ones that allow gradations rather than hard in/out cuts.

What is Pascal Boyer's "minimally counter-intuitive" concept?

Boyer (2001) observed that supernatural beings in world religions are almost never totally alien — they are mostly like humans or animals but with one or two impossible properties violated. A ghost is like a person but passes through walls. A god is like a powerful person but knows everything. An ancestor spirit is like a living person but is dead. This "minimally counter-intuitive" structure makes them cognitively sticky: one violation surprises and grabs attention, but otherwise familiar properties mean we can reason about the being using normal social-cognition tools. Beings that are too weird (violating ten intuitive categories at once) do not spread because they are too hard to remember or reason about.

Are "spiritual but not religious" people actually less religious than traditional believers?

Not necessarily by any cognitive measure. Sociologist Robert Wuthnow distinguished "dwelling" spirituality (anchored in stable institutions) from "seeking" spirituality (personal, eclectic, exploratory). People in the second category may hold just as many supernatural beliefs — in angels, karma, energy fields, cosmic purpose — as churchgoers; they just do not attend services. In the U.S., roughly 27% identify as "spiritual but not religious" (Pew 2017), and many of them hold more supernatural beliefs than moderate churchgoers. The shift is partly from institutional loyalty to consumer spirituality, not from belief to non-belief.

What is Sharia, and does it mean what Western media usually implies?

Sharia (literally "the path") is Islamic law derived from the Quran, the hadith (reported sayings and actions of Muhammad), and centuries of jurisprudential reasoning (fiqh). It covers not just criminal punishments — the hadd penalties like amputation that dominate Western coverage — but far more: prayer times, dietary rules, financial ethics, family law, commercial contracts, and ritual practice. The criminal elements that Western media fixate on apply in only a small minority of countries, and even there are typically applied to a narrow set of cases. Most Muslims in most countries use Sharia primarily as a personal ethical and ritual guide, not as a state criminal code. The four main Sunni legal schools (Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanbali) disagree substantially on specifics, so "Sharia says X" is often an oversimplification.

Did the Protestant Reformation really change everything?

Yes, but not immediately and not only in religion. Luther's key theological move was sola scriptura ("scripture alone") — the claim that individual Christians could read the Bible themselves and did not need the Church hierarchy to mediate between them and God. This had enormous downstream effects: it spurred mass literacy (people needed to read the Bible), weakened centralised authority, and created dozens of competing denominations within decades. Sociologist Max Weber controversially argued it also created the psychological conditions for capitalism: Calvinist "predestination" theology (you cannot earn salvation) paradoxically made believers work harder in their worldly "calling" as a sign of their likely elect status. That specific claim is disputed, but the broader point — that the Reformation restructured not just theology but politics, economics, and culture — is solid.

Is Judaism more an ethnicity or a religion?

Both, and that is not confusion — it is a genuine feature of the tradition. Halakha (Jewish law) defines a Jew as someone born of a Jewish mother (or converted), making it partly genealogical. Yet there are atheist Jews who maintain Jewish identity through culture, language, and practice; and there are converts who are fully Jewish without any genetic connection to historical Israelite populations. The "ethnoreligion" category is unusual globally — most major world religions actively seek converts and define membership purely by belief and practice. Judaism's dual nature reflects its origin as the religion of a specific tribal confederation in ancient Canaan; diaspora and persecution reinforced ethnic solidarity even as theological belief varied enormously.

What exactly is karma, and is it the same across traditions?

No — karma differs significantly across traditions despite the shared word. In Hinduism, karma (literally "action") is the moral law of cause and effect operating across lifetimes: good actions produce good future births, bad actions produce bad ones. In Buddhism, karma operates similarly but feeds into rebirth without a permanent self doing the re-being reborn — a subtler and philosophically puzzling claim. In Jainism, karma is quasi-physical: actual particles that literally cling to the soul. In popular Western usage, "karma" usually just means "what goes around comes around" — a vague ethical reciprocity with no necessary afterlife component. The common thread is moral causation, but the metaphysical machinery differs completely.

What is wu wei, and is it really about doing nothing?

Wu wei (無為) is usually translated "non-action" or "effortless action," but the point is not passivity — it is acting in harmony with the Tao (the natural pattern of the universe) rather than forcing, contriving, or going against the grain. The Tao Te Ching's water metaphor is apt: water does not force anything, it finds the natural path, wears away stone through effortless persistence, and reaches the lowest places that the prideful avoid. In practice, wu wei describes the master craftsman who works effortlessly because their skill is perfectly calibrated to the material, or the leader who governs so lightly that people think they governed themselves. It is closest to the concept of "flow" in modern psychology — a state of optimal, effortless performance.

Was State Shinto actually a religion?

State Shinto (1868–1945) was the Meiji government's project of turning Shinto from a diverse set of local practices into a centralised national ideology focused on imperial divinity. The government simultaneously claimed it was not a religion (so it did not violate religious freedom for non-Shintoists) while making shrine visits mandatory and propagating the belief that Emperor Hirohito was a living god descended from the sun goddess Amaterasu. This was functional religion: it created sacred narratives, sacred places, compulsory rituals, and claims about ultimate reality. The Shinto Directive of 1945, imposed by the American occupation after Japan's defeat, formally separated state from shrine and required Hirohito to publicly deny his divinity in a 1946 radio broadcast.

Why did the ancient polytheisms decline?

No single cause suffices. Imperial Christianity used legal coercion (Theodosius I banned pagan sacrifice in 391 CE) and sometimes violence. But the appeal of monotheism also mattered: a single universal God was philosophically cleaner than a quarrelsome pantheon of limited, morally questionable gods — the same critique Greek philosophers had been making for centuries. The mystery religions that competed with early Christianity were already moving in a more personal, universal direction. Finally, the Roman empire's political collapse took with it the civic structures that maintained traditional religion — many Roman gods were tied to specific civic functions, and when those institutions dissolved, the religion they underwrote dissolved too.

What distinguishes an NRM from a cult?

Scholars avoid "cult" because it is applied inconsistently and usually just means "a religion I disapprove of." Early Christianity was called a cult (superstitio) by Romans. What scholars do identify is "high-control groups" — organisations that use thought-control techniques (loaded language, information restriction, confession as surveillance, punishment for doubt) to maintain member compliance. These can be found in fringe movements and in established religions. The key warning signs are not doctrinal novelty but behavioural control: does the group restrict members' contact with family and friends? Does it claim exclusive truth and demand unquestioning loyalty to a living leader? Does it punish or shun people who leave? Those features, not theological weirdness, mark genuinely harmful groups.

Does religion cause more harm than good?

This question has a lot of empirical content that gets drowned by ideology on both sides. On the positive side: religious communities produce vast amounts of charitable work (the Catholic Church alone runs roughly 26% of the world's healthcare facilities); strong religious participation correlates with lower depression, longer life, higher charitable giving, and stronger social trust in most studies. On the negative side: religious institutions have repeatedly covered up abuse, supported slavery and colonialism, persecuted minorities, and retarded civil rights. The honest answer is that religion is a social technology that amplifies whatever the surrounding community values — it can intensify generosity or persecution with equal efficiency. The key variable is not religiosity per se but whether the tradition's interpretive framework is inclusive or exclusionary, whether leadership is accountable, and whether members maintain contact with outside perspectives.

Is the Galileo story as simple as "religion vs. science"?

No — the reality is considerably more complex. Galileo had strong support within the Catholic Church for decades; his Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems (1632) was approved by Church censors. He got into trouble primarily because the book's "Simplicio" (the character who defends the geocentric position) was widely read as mocking Pope Urban VIII, who had been Galileo's patron. The Church's objection was also partly Aristotelian-scientific: Galileo's heliocentrism lacked a mechanism explaining why we do not feel the Earth's motion (that mechanism, inertia, would not come until Newton). He was placed under house arrest (not tortured or imprisoned) and continued his scientific work. The story became a founding myth of secular science vs. religious obscurantism in the 19th century — a useful weapon in conflicts that had nothing to do with Galileo himself.

What is Christian nationalism, and is it new?

Christian nationalism is the claim that America (or another nation) was founded as, and should remain, a Christian nation — that Christian identity and national identity are essentially fused. It is distinct from ordinary religiosity: surveys show that Christian nationalists are identified more by their political and cultural views than their church attendance or personal devotion. Historically, it is not new — American civil religion (Robert Bellah's term) has always mixed national mythology with Christian symbolism. What is new is its political mobilisation as an explicit programme: movements like the New Apostolic Reformation actively seek to place Christians in key governmental roles to bring society into alignment with biblical law. Scholars like Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry (2020) identify roughly 20% of Americans as strong Christian nationalists and another 30% as sympathisers.